ISRAEL AT WAR: FAILURE AND FORTITUDE

Nine months into its war with Hamas, Israel is a nation in a state of paradox.

On the one hand, there is a deep-seated sense of failure.  Hamas, though badly mauled, still exists. Its senior leaders, Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif, are alive and issuing orders. The organization operates as a statelet, issuing defiant declarations while pretending to negotiate, through intermediaries, with the United States and Israel. It still holds 116 hostages, living or dead.

In the North, 60,000 Israelis remain refugees in their own country, as Hezbollah launches daily rocket attacks, rendering much of the region uninhabitable.

Beyond Israel’s borders, Houthi rebels attack Red Sea shipping.  And of uppermost concern, Iran, the chief sponsor of all this terror, moves ever closer to acquiring weapon-grade fissile material for nuclear weapons. Israel seems unable, and its main ally the United States seems unwilling, to stop Iran.

And yet, in the midst of this overarching sense of failure, something else is going on in Israel, something subtle but evident to visitors.

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ELECTION NIGHTMARES

In case you are sleeping too well and need something to keep you awake at night, try thinking about the presidential election process.  Not the age or moral character of the candidates. Not their positions on the issues.

Think about the Electoral College, where current polling numbers portend a coming crisis. Then bid farewell to sleep.

For months, we have heard that the popular vote for president is likely to be close. Polls aggregated by the Real Clear Politics website, which has been called the “Dow Jones of campaign coverage,” have shown that the gap between President Biden and former President Trump has not exceeded two percentage points since February. During much of that time period, the gap has been less than one point.

But there’s little reason to worry about the closeness of the popular vote because we don’t choose our presidents based on such votes. Instead, of course, we select our presidents based on who gets a majority of the Electoral College votes. And if prospects for a very close popular vote scare you, you should find the prospects for a close Electoral College contest downright terrifying.

There is a realistic possibility that come November the Electoral College tally could be decided by only two votes. There is even a possibility that the Electoral College could end up in a tie. That latter scenario may be less realistic, but it is not at all far-fetched.

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MUNICH ON THE CHARLES

It is tempting to overuse the “Munich analogy” but something about the way Harvard University proudly announced the negotiated settlement of the Harvard Yard encampment problem brought to mind the image of Neville Chamberlain waving a piece of paper and proclaiming “Peace in our time.” For his role as a peacemaker, interim President Alan Garber was immediately lauded in progressive quarters for having achieved a “peaceful outcome …  that had eluded some other colleges and universities where officials have resorted to calling the police to clear demonstrators.”

But calling the police to deal with unlawful conduct is proper. That is why we have police. What is not proper is capitulation. Even worse is ignominious capitulation. That is what just happened on the Charles River.

Three weeks ago, protesters styling themselves “Harvard Out Of Palestine” (HOOP)  set up an encampment in Harvard Yard to protest Harvard’s supposed connection to the war in Gaza. No one questions their right to protest. But trespassing is another matter. After tolerating the tent city for 12 days, President Garber issued a statement that declared, in essence, “Enough.”

He noted that the encampment was causing numerous disruptions to the University. Exams had to be moved to other locations. Safety concerns over students sleeping outdoors required limiting access to the Yard. Students complained that the campers’ noise made it impossible for them to sleep, and the congestion made it impossible to move freely about the campus. President Garber cited reports that non-protesting students were being “intimidated and harassed,” and that passers-by were being “confronted, surveilled, and followed.”

President Garber concluded his statement with a stern warning:

I write today with this simple message: The continuation of the encampment presents a significant risk to the educational environment of the University. Those who participate in or perpetuate its continuation will be referred for involuntary leave from their Schools. Among other implications, students placed on involuntary leave may not be able to sit for exams, may not continue to reside in Harvard housing, and must cease to be present on campus until reinstated. (emphasis in original)

That was then.

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SHOULD JEWS ABANDON THE IVIES?

Long before the Israeli armed forces moved into Gaza to destroy Hamas, in fact even while the Hamas murderers and rapists were still holding out in Israeli homes along the Gaza Envelope, top-tier American universities were the scenes of pro-Hamas protests, speeches, and encampments. Such deep-seated hostility toward Israel has caused many American Jews to ask: “Should Jews Abandon Ivy League Schools?” – as phrased in the headline of a Jerusalem Post interview of William Daroff, CEO of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish American Organizations.

The fear that our most prestigious universities are hostile environments, not only for Israel, but for Jews in general, was reinforced by the disastrous congressional hearings last December, where the Presidents of Harvard, MIT, and Penn were unable to say whether calls for the genocide of Jews would violate their schools’ conduct policies.

Is it time for American Jews to abandon elite universities and to look elsewhere for educational opportunities?  Several arguments have been advanced for doing just that.

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THE IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE AGAINST ISRAEL

Israel’s response to the October 7 Hamas rampage has led to an unprecedented increase in public hostility. This hostility has been directed not only toward Israel’s military strategy of urban warfare, which, like any such strategy, has led inevitably to widespread death and destruction, but also toward the Jewish State itself. Much of this hostility can be attributed to plain old antisemitism.

At Princeton, the Near Eastern studies department offers a course whose reading list includes a book that claims that Israelis systematically maim Palestinians to harvest their organs.

At the University of Michigan, benches in front of the Hillel House have been defaced with the Star of David, followed by the equal sign, followed by the swastika.

At Harvard, visibly Jewish students have been jeered at and physically assaulted walking to class.

There have been countless other incidents of such run-of-the-mill antisemitism. Still, it would be a mistake to conclude that antisemitism alone undergirds the current hostility toward Israel. After all, some of this hostility comes from Jews themselves.

One of the most visible organizations criticizing Israel has been Jewish Voice for Peace. Commentary Magazine’s Eli Lake has even identified what he calls the “AsAJew” phenomenon, to describe the many Jewish anti-Israel activists who cite their religion to legitimize their tactics. Some of these activists may be fairly described as “self-hating” Jews – but they are Jews nonetheless.

To those who would stand up for Israel, it is important to look beyond antisemitism, and to recognize that hostility toward the Jewish State is also based on something different: the settler-colonial paradigm. According to this conceptual framework, the State of Israel is an illegitimate entity designed and populated by Europeans colonizers who invaded a foreign territory to exploit the indigenous people, and to impose their culture and religion on them. This paradigm views Israelis as comparable to the British settlers in Kenya or the French in Senegal or the Belgians in the Congo.

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GOOGLE’S GEMINI COLLIDES WITH COPYRIGHT

Google’s disastrous launch of its Gemini AI program has been viewed as yet another skirmish in the long-running culture wars. Certainly, Gemini reflects the progressive biases of its Silicon Valley creators. But the debacle offers more than a lesson on the dangers of “woke-ism.” It also provides insight on the collision between AI and copyright, a subject this blog has examined before.

Before turning to the copyright issue, let’s explore what went wrong with the launch.

Google designed Gemini to compete with OpenAI’s ChatGPT, and other AI products.  Unlike its rivals, which generally deal with one type of prompt, Google designed Gemini to be “multimodal,” meaning that it could accept inputs in many different media, including text, images, audio, and video.

The Company boasted that Gemini outperformed its rival AI models across dozens of benchmarks including reading comprehension, mathematical ability, and multistep reasoning skills. But the fanfare surrounding its launch was quickly replaced by ridicule, as users tried it and discovered a number of glaring quirks.

A search for images of Nazi soldiers generated an absurd collage of racial inclusiveness.

(Gemini images republished by The Verge.)

Searches for pictures of Founding Fathers, Vikings, and popes –categories exclusively white — also generated multiracial images. But paradoxically, with no whites.

(Gemini images republished by Reason Magazine.)

In brief, Gemini produced results that looked like DEI on steroids.

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ODIOUS UNRWA

Last week, news broke that 12 employees of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the agency tasked with providing assistance and protection for Palestinian refugees, were personally involved in the October 7 Hamas rampage.  One UNRWA employee was armed with an anti-tank missile; another filmed a hostage being taken captive; yet another, an elementary school teacher, served as a Hamas commander and participated in the massacre at Kibbutz Be’eri. Another UNRWA employee kidnapped an IDF’s soldier’s body.  (Corpses are valuable to Hamas because Israel is known to release large numbers of prisoners to secure the return of its soldiers’ remains.)

UNRWA’s involvement in the atrocities did not end on October 7. One of the hostages recently released from Gaza revealed that he was held captive in an attic in Gaza for nearly 50 days by a teacher employed by UNRWA.

A second even more disturbing report disclosed that 10% of UNRWA employees have ties to Hamas or the Palestinian Islamic Jihad; while about 50% are close relatives to people with ties to those terrorist organizations.

These reports, provided by the Israeli government, were deemed “highly, highly credible,” by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Other governments agreed on the reports’ reliability. After their release, 15 nations suspended their financial contributions to UNRWA.

While the revelations may seem shocking, the most shocking thing about them is the fact that they shock. For anyone familiar with the history and performance of the agency should not have been surprised.

UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini  insists that the agency is dedicated to “upholding the values of the United Nations” and that it conducts its business with “zero-tolerance policy for hatred.”

The first claim is actually true. UNRWA does uphold the values of the United Nations, an international body that regularly targets Israel for condemnation.  A few years ago, its General Assembly passed a resolution dismissing any Jewish connection to the Old City of Jerusalem.  A UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women has blamed the tendency of Palestinian men to beat their wives on Israeli settlements. The Palestinian Authority’s UN delegation has blamed Israel for global warming. As Abba Eban, a former Israeli Foreign Minister, once quipped: “If Algeria introduced a resolution declaring that the earth was flat and that Israel had flattened it, it would pass by a vote of 164 to 13 with 26 abstentions.”

But the second part of Lazzarini’s statement – that UNRWA has “zero-tolerance for hatred” – is a lie. UNWRA was founded upon hatred of the State of Israel, and it has lived to up its disreputable origins ever since.

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TRUMP SHOULD STAY ON THE BALLOT

Next month, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear argument on whether or not Donald Trump is qualified to appear on the ballot in Colorado. Disqualification challenges have become a weapon used by Trump’s opponents to stop him from regaining power. Outside Colorado, a disqualification challenge succeeded in Maine. Challenges in Michigan, Minnesota, and California have failed. But depending on the Court’s ruling, there could be more.

The Supreme Court acted sensibly in accepting the Colorado case on an expedited basis. It would be chaotic to have a presidential election decided by different states following different disqualification criteria. It would also be dangerous to our democratic system.

The Colorado case will focus national attention on Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, which reads:

No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

The Court will confront a number of issues:

  Does this disqualification language apply to the President? Note that it specifically mentions “Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President.” It also refers broadly to “any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State.” But it does not specifically mention the presidency itself.

  What constitutes an “insurrection”? Is a violent riot, like the one that occurred on January 6, sufficient? Or must there be an armed and organized attempt to overthrow the government, like the Bolsheviks storming the Winter Palace or the Confederates bombarding Fort Sumter?

  What does it mean to have “engaged” in insurrection? Is cheering from the sidelines sufficient? Or must there be personal participation in the activity?

All of these issues present interesting, if arcane, legal issues, the kind lawyers and jurists love delving into and debating. But if it chooses, the Supreme Court can reject Colorado’s attempt to keep Trump off the ballot for two simple and straightforward reasons.

First, Colorado (and Maine) failed to provide Trump with anything even approaching the kind of due process to which he was entitled in this important matter. Second, the question of whether Trump should be disqualified for having engaged in insurrection has already been decided in a trial before the U.S. Senate presided over by the Chief Justice. And he was acquitted. Neither Colorado, nor Maine, nor any state, has the right to retry him.

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SHOULD AMERICA LECTURE ISRAEL?

The latest reports from the Gazan “Health Ministry” state that the death toll has topped 16,000.  Of course, such figures must be taken with a grain of salt. The “Health Ministry” officials work for Hamas, a terrorist organization which routinely lies.  Moreover, the number does not distinguish between Hamas soldiers and true civilians. Nor do the figures account for the inhabitants killed by Hamas’s or Islamic Jihad’s own rockets, 20% of which fall into Gaza.

But even allowing for exaggeration and fabrication, there is little doubt that the Gazan civilian death toll far exceeds the number of Israelis and other nationalities murdered by Hamas on October 7. This lack of “proportionality” has become a problem for the Biden administration. Its support for Israel, rock solid right after October 7, has softened and become more qualified as the toll increases.

On his third trip to the Middle East since the war began, Secretary of State Blinken declared that America’s support requires Israel’s “compliance with international humanitarian law.” He urged Israel “to take every possible measure to avoid civilian harm.”

Two days later, Vice President Harris issued a similar statement after a meeting with Egyptian President el-Sisi: “Too many innocent Palestinians have been killed,” she said. “Frankly, the scale of civilian suffering and the images coming from Gaza are devastating.”

Are these lectures deserved?

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REMEMBER THE HOSTAGES

October 7 was the worst day in Jewish history since the Holocaust. But already, efforts are underway to diminish the horrors visited upon Israelis and others who were living in Israel on that day. Among those horrors was the taking of hostages.

A small group of New York City-based Israeli artists put together an unfunded #KidnappedfromIsrael campaign to circulate photographs of the hostages, along with their names and ages. (More on that below.) Many people have printed out these photographs and posted them in public places to focus attention on their plight. Almost as soon as the public awareness campaign started, a systematic counter-campaign arose, involving vandals tearing down the posters.

These posters depict 240 human beings held in captivity. Nearly all are civilians. Many are grandparents. At least 33 are children, including one 9-month old baby.

What kind of moral degenerate would wish to conceal the fact that innocent men, women, and children are being held captive in underground tunnels?

Unfortunately, there is a method to their madness. This concerted effort to erase the hostages’ predicament from public consciousness finds parallels in the efforts to deny the Holocaust.

In some parts of the world, Holocaust denial is official dogma. In much of the Arab world, hundreds of books denying the genocide are still sold, and sitcoms about the “fake Holocaust” have been hits in Egypt and the Gulf countries. Mahmoud Abbas, the leader of the West Bank Palestinians, does not completely deny the Holocaust occurred, but he contends that the real number of murdered Jews was only one sixth as large as claimed, and that this scaled-down Holocaust resulted from a collaboration between Zionists and Nazis, designed to spur Jewish immigration to Palestine. In other words, he asserts that the Jews helped orchestrate their own mass murder.

Outright Holocaust denial in the United States is restricted to the loonier fringes of the political spectrum, but a more passive form of denial emerges from widespread ignorance.

According to a 50-state survey conducted in 2020 based on 11,000 interviews of Millennials and Gen Z Americans, almost two-thirds of young adults do not know that 6 million Jews were killed during the Holocaust. About 36% believe that the real number was 2 million or fewer. More than one in 10 believe that Jews themselves caused the Holocaust. Almost half of the young Americans surveyed could not name a single concentration camp. Almost a quarter said that the Holocaust was a myth, or was exaggerated, or they weren’t sure.

It is tempting to view the tearing down of the posters as acts of adolescent petulance. But when you consider the woeful extent of Holocaust ignorance, tearing down the posters actually makes a sort of malevolent sense.  For an uneducated and gullible public, out of sight is out of mind.  

Sadly, the campaign may be succeeding, at least to an extent. Many of the hostages are Americans. In 1979, when Americans were held hostage in Iran, the media paid  constant attention to their situation. Ted Koppel became a star when ABC launched “America Held Hostage,” which ran every night, eventually transforming into “Nightline”.

Today, we hear little or nothing about the American hostages held by Hamas. Other than their family members, few if any of us know their names. We do not recognize their faces.

Ignorance is the ally of evil. If people do not know that two out of three of Europe’s Jews were exterminated in the Holocaust, they are less likely to recognize the evil of antisemitism. If people do not know that 240 men, women, and children, including babies, are being held captive, they are less likely to recognize how Hamas fosters the same type of evil.

The public should not forget the hostages, nor grow callous to the injustice of their captivity.

Below are the photographs gathered by the #KidnappedfromIsrael campaign. Their website is at https://www.kidnappedfromisrael.com/.  See them and bear witness.

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